James Petras is Binghamton University Professor Emeritus of Sociology. His credentials and achievements are long and impressive as a noted academic figure on the left. A well-respected Latin American expert, and a longtime chronicler of the region's popular struggles.
He's also a prolific author of hundreds of articles and dozens of books, including his latest titled "Zionism, Militarism, and the Decline of US Power" and subject of this review. It follows from his earlier 2006 book: "The Power of Israel in the United States" that documented the Israeli Lobby's enormous influence over US Middle East policy and its destructive effects.
Petras continues the story in his latest book. Asks is Israel good for America, and responds by exposing and critiquing American Zionism. Its powerfully destructive influence. Its stranglehold on US politics, academia, the media, clergy, and over all segments of society voicing dissent. He debunks the notion that the Israeli Lobby is like all others and provides convincing evidence of its influence and veto power over war and peace, trade and investment, multi-billion dollar arms sales, and all Middle East policy issues under Democrat and Republican administrations alike.
Every Petras book is important. So is this one at a time the most powerful Washington Lobby is assured that a new administration will continue and expand the current "Global Wars on Terrorism." Petras explains the dangers. The current disastrous foreign adventurism. America's economic decline as a result, and the calamitous global fallout overall. High-level officials won't read this book, but they should. To realize the dangers of their destructive policies. How they threaten the republic's survival and are heading the nation for insolvency and ruin.
Part I - Zionism and US Militarism
How Zionist Power Promotes US Middle East Wars
Pretexts for invading and occupying Iraq went from:
-- WMDs;
-- to removing a dangerous dictator;
-- to establishing democracy in the Arab world;
-- to preventing a civil war;
-- to needing a colonial military victory to retain our global superpower status;
-- to reassuring regional regimes they can rely on us for protection; and
-- to proving America can fight and defeat "terrorism."
However, the longer the conflict continues (as well as the Afghan one), the less credibility any argument holds. The more likely an occupied people will grow more restive and reassertive. A similar likelihood that popular resistance will grow throughout the Middle East, Eurasia and elsewhere. The greater the economic and political cost. The less able a depleted military will be able to sustain foreign wars, and less willing the US public will put up with them. Yet they continue, and explanations why crop up as follows:
(A) A War for Oil with arguments ranging from:
(1) Big Oil wanted it;
(2) the White House acted reflexively on its behalf; to
(3) the urgency to secure the region's oil that Saddam Hussein threatened.
Petras responds that these explanations "fail several empirical tests:"
(1) Big Oil opposed the war and wants peace and stability instead;
(2) the oil giants tried to establish economic ties with Iraq before the invasion; they want and are denied the same arrangement with Iran and all other oil producing countries;
(3) they prefer gaining new markets and business economically and by building good relationships with host countries; not a single Big Oil CEO favored war and occupation; and
(4) "windfall profits" haven't materialized as benefits accruing from occupation; lucrative contracts to develop Iraqi oil aren't arranged; and the country is too violent to warrant serious investments to do it, except in the Kurdish north.
Still, war was declared. The occupation continues. The political and economic costs are enormous. Big Oil has been a loser, not a winner, and the evidence shows that the powerful Israeli Lobby trumped any opposition the oil giants could pose to match it.
Petras refers to the Zionist Power Configuration (ZPT). Its influence over the administration and Congress. Its tentacles spanning the country at the grassroots. Its control of the media, academia, the clergy, and important professional elements in the population. Its "slavish obedience to official Israeli policy" even when US interests are harmed. Its threat to US democratic freedoms, and the fact that anyone daring to confront Israeli policy becomes a target to be intimidated, blackmailed, smeared, pressured, and removed from positions of authority.
(B) the National Security Argument that breaks down as easily as a war for Big Oil. At its height, Iraq was a modestly strong regional power, but never a match for America or a nuclear-powered Israel. Following the 1980s war with Iran; the 1991 Gulf war; 12 years of punishing sanctions; repeated bombings in the 1990s; the patrolled no-fly zone and protected Kurdish north; and the depleted state of Iraq's military, the nation was in no position for conflict with any of its neighbors let alone with the world's only superpower. "Saddam Hussein was clearly not a threat."
Neither is Iran the way Israel, its Lobby, the administration, and most members of Congress portray it in an effort to push America into another disastrous war that will only benefit Israel in the short term. Its interests were key in influencing the Iraq war. Economic sanctions and the Gulf war preceding it. For the purpose of removing a regional rival. Eliminating the Palestinians' major source of support, and solidifying the Jewish state as the Middle East's leading power. Iran remains the main obstacle. Followed by Syria, Hezbollah in South Lebanon and the Hamas government in Gaza.
Israel and its Lobby want sequential wars to enhance its power by eliminating them all. Thus far, Congress and the administration have gone along. Saddam's Ba'athist regime is no longer a threat, but Iraq remains embroiled in turmoil with no end of conflict in sight. Many hundreds of billions have been spent containing it with little to show for the effort and expense, yet Israeli supporters want war with Iran and ignore the unimaginable fallout if it comes.
Nonetheless, most of official Washington and plenty of media disinformation back one. Starting off with tighter sanctions. A possible partial or full blockade. The idea being to harm the Islamic Republic. Then attack it in a weakened state. That's the plan. Will it happen? Perhaps if ZPC power prevails. But not if high-level Pentagon and others in Washington win out. They know the risks of inflaming the entire Muslim world. The unlikely possibility of regime change by war. The immense disruption to the region through retaliation, blocked oil shipments and skyrocketing prices, and how these factors will affect a world economy already reeling from the strains of a financial crisis.
Nonetheless, ZPC influence is considerable and can't be underestimated. It's "exercised directly on political, academic, and cultural decision makers to make sure their policies back pro-Israel, pro-Zionist interests." High-level administration officials represent it. People like Eliot Abrams, special National Security Council Middle East/North Africa "Global Democracy Strategy" advisor and DHS director Michael Chertoff.
Indirect ZPC power is exerted by:
-- "parlaying influence over a small group of Congressmen into a large majority;" also winning over the leadership of both parties and having them publicly pledge allegiance to Israel;
-- enhancing power by focusing on single issues - like denouncing prominent Israeli critics and assuring their views won't prevail or even be heard; removing them from Congress and other posts; figures like Cynthia McKinney twice from the House and Norman Finkelstein from the DePaul University faculty;
-- publicizing the successful punishing of critics to deter others;
-- employing mutually re-enforcing public and private sphere multiple resources like large-scale electoral financing and influencing donors not to contribute to Israeli critics; and
-- using powerful, effective, one-sided propaganda to demonize Arabs, especially Palestinians and critics; instead portray Israel as a "democratic fortress surrounded by hostile authoritarian governments;" also having the media on board reinforcing these views.
What precisely is the ZPC or Israeli Lobby? It's unlike any other in power. The breadth of its base, and the only one with no opposition. Representing less than 1% of the population (elites only), it consists of "a multiplicity of highly organized, well-financed and centrally-directed structures throughout the US." It includes scores of political action committees. A dozen or more think tanks, and the "52 major American Jewish organizations grouped under the umbrella listing 'Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations (CPMAJO).' " AIPAC, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), and the American Jewish Committee (AJC) are among them at the "national Executive-Congressional lobbying levels."
As or more important are local Jewish community federations and organizations throughout the country. In them are activist professionals - doctors, lawyers, accountants, small business leaders, academics, the clergy and many others who promote Israeli interests, denounce critics, and work to assure their voices aren't heard or are dimmed. On-campus pro-Israeli student organizations are also enlisted to spy on professors. Smear critical ones, and work to pressure universities to fire them.
The ZPC "octopus" reaches everywhere - "far beyond the traditional centers of big city power and national politics....into remote towns and cultural spheres" across the country. With powerful mass media backing, its influence is enormous, and only the brave dare opposes it. Yet they do, and their numbers are growing in spite of the risks.